Remarks by Fu Ying at the 52nd Munich Security Conference Panel Discussion
傅莹在第52届慕尼黑安全会议“中国与国际秩序”论坛上的主旨演讲（中英对照版）
Putting the Order (s) Shift in Perspective
秩序及其再构建
–Speech by Fu Ying at the 52nd Munich Security Conference Panel Discussion: “Doubling Down? China and International Order(s)”
——傅莹在第52届慕尼黑安全会议“中国与国际秩序”论坛上的主旨演讲
Munich, 13 February 2016
2016年2月13日，慕尼黑
As the Chinese year of Monkey has just arrived, I want to first of all wish all of you a happy New Year.
中国刚刚迎来猴年，首先恭祝各位新年快乐。
China has been asked frequently: are you challenging the US as leader of the world order? Or, are you making a parallel order? The answer is: of course not, we are part of the international order.
在国际场合经常遇到的这样的问题：“中国是否要挑战美国在世界秩序中的领导地位？”或者：“你们是否要另起炉灶，创建一个并行的世界秩序？”我们会说：“当然不是，中国是国际秩序的成员。”
We seem to be talking past each other. So, are we talking about the same order?
双方说的是同一个秩序吗？似乎此“秩序”并非彼“秩序”。
“The US-led world order,” if I understand it correctly, rests on three pillars: first, the American value system, which is also accepted as the western values; second, the U.S. military alignment system, which is claimed to be the security foundation for US leadership; third, the international institutions including the UN system. Maybe I am simplifying, but many other elements can fall into these categories.
所谓“美国领导下的世界秩序”有三个支柱：一是美式价值观，也被视作“西方价值观”；二是美国的军事同盟体系，构成美国在世界上发挥“领导”作用的安全基石；三是包括联合国在内的国际机构。
This world order structure has its roots in the history of international politics and also has its modern contributions. The United States has been reaping huge benefits from its leadership role.
这个“世界秩序”有其国际政治的历史渊源，也在现代世界发挥作用，而美国长期在这个秩序中居于领导地位并因此获得利益。
However, with globalization going deep and international politics fragmenting, this world order is being overstretched in providing new and effective solutions to contemporary challenges. For example, we have seen that the global promotion of the western values is not always successful, especially in countries where new governing structures failed to grow fast enough to replace the original ones that were being brought down. Chaos can occur and even spill over.
但在全球化深入发展、国际政治日益碎片化的今天，“世界秩序”面临越来越多的现实挑战，越来越难以提供全面、有效的解决方案。我们已经看到，在政治层面，美国推广西方价值观的做法在很多地方遭遇水土不服，特别是在中东一些国家，旧的格局被打破，新的社会架构却迟迟建立不起来，导致严重的动荡，甚至外溢。
In the defense field, the U.S. led military alliance puts security interests of its members above those of non-members and therefore has often led to more complex situation, especially when it comes to regional disputes. Moreover, the 2008 global financial crisis betrayed flaws in the international governance and the newly born G20 took on the reform of global governance system.
在防务领域，美国主导的军事同盟体系把盟友的安全利益凌驾于非盟友的安全利益之上，往往给地区热点问题增添新的复杂因素。在经济层面，2007年爆发的金融危机暴露了国际经济治理的缺陷，应运而生的20国集团带动了全球治理改革进程。
Against such background, China has grown in size economically and is consequently having greater weight on the world stage; it’s quite natural that people want to know where China stands.
在此背景下，随着中国经济体量和世界影响力的增大，人们自然而然地想知道中国持何立场。
You may listen carefully voices from China. Chinese leaders have insisted that China supports the current international order. And you may take note that the word used is “international order.” The Chinese seldom talk about the “world order.” What China refers to is the UN based system including the international institutions and norms. China has a strong sense of belonging to this order, as China is one of its founders and is a beneficiary, a contributor, as well as part of its reform efforts.
如果仔细聆听中国的声音就不难了解，中国领导人多次表示我们支持现存国际秩序。不过中国人使用的词汇是“国际秩序”，而不是“世界秩序”，我们指的是以联合国宪章宗旨和原则为核心的国际秩序和体系。中国对现存国际秩序有归属感，因为我们既是其创建者之一，也是获益者和贡献者，同时还是改革的参与者。
The Chinese President Xi Jinping in his speech in Seattle last September argued that “many developing countries want to see a more just and equitable international system. But it doesn’t mean that they want to unravel the entire system or start all over again.” What they want is “to reform and improve the system to keep up with the times.”
习近平主席2015年9月在美国西雅图发表演讲时就指出，“世界上很多国家特别是广大发展中国家都希望国际体系朝着更加公正合理方向发展，但这并不是推倒重来，也不是另起炉灶，而是与时俱进、改革完善。”
China has proposed mechanisms where the existing international order falls short. The Silk Road “Belt and Road” initiative and the AIIB (Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank) are new public goods that China is offering. These mechanisms are non-exclusive and guided by the UN principles.
中国针对国际秩序有缺失的地方已经提出自己的解决方案，“一带一路”倡议和亚洲基础设施投资银行就是我们提供给世界的重要新型公共产品。它们不是排他性的而是包容性的，不是要谋求赢者通吃而是要实现合作共赢，它们的运作过程遵循国际公认的准则，充分吸取现行国际机制积累的经验，当然也会更均衡地反映发展中国家的利益和关切。
China and the US have growing common interests in world affairs. For example, both support the role of the United Nations, and both need the other’s cooperation in addressing global challenges. The China-US bilateral agreement played a key role for the success of the UN climate conference in Paris.
中国和美国在世界事务中拥有广泛的共同利益，比如双方都支持联合国的作用，都在应对全球性挑战方面需要与对方合作。去年中美双边协议的率先达成为巴黎气候变化大会的成功奠定了基础。
Having said that, I hope you now understand why China cannot support the U.S.-led “world order” in its entirety. As you are aware, China has deep concern over the long-held rejection and pressure by the US and other Western countries on China’s political system. On the security front, we stand for common security and do not want to see the world divided again by exclusive military blocs.
然而毋庸置疑的是，中国不可能全盘接受美国领导的“世界秩序”。中国反对美国和其他西方国家对中国政治制度的排斥和压制，我们主张共同安全，不赞成用排他性的集体防务安排再次割裂世界。
The question is: where do we go from here?
现在的问题是怎么办？
China is not going to be the last developing country ascending to the world’s center stage. Many more countries would want a fair stand alongside China.
Changes are needed. If we cannot remake each other in our own images, can we not work together to build a more inclusive order framework, a common roof, so to speak, to accommodate as much as possible the diverse interests, needs and ideas? Naturally this will take time.
中国不会是最后一个进入世界中心舞台的发展中国家，将来必然会有更多国家要求在现存国际秩序和体系中得到公平的待遇。未来世界的权力将更为分散，面对的挑战也更加复杂，世界需要改变。如果大家不能改变彼此，是否可以搭建一个更具包容性的秩序框架，就好比搭建一个共同的屋顶，能够最大限度地容纳各方的利益诉求和治理观念。当然，这需要时间。
The Munich Security Report 2016 saw the strategic outlook bleak. It also mentioned that China and the US will find it increasingly difficult to manage their differences. Indeed, if one only listens to some of the US election rhetoric, one may fear that the two countries will fall into the Thucydides Trap with their eyes wide open.
2016年《慕尼黑安全报告》以悲观情绪展望世界的战略前景，在提及中美关系时认为，两国“将越来越难以管控双边分歧”。确实，如果只听美国大选参选人的一些言论，会让人担心中美两国是不是要睁着眼睛掉入“修昔底德陷阱”。
But, in the real world, both the Chinese and American leaders openly indicated that they are determined to make the relationship work to avoid repeating the history of conflict between rising countries and established powers.
但在现实中，两国领导人也已多次公开表示决心使两国关系获得成功，避免重走历史上大国争霸与冲突的老路。
For that purpose, the Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed to build a New Model of Major-Country Relationship featuring no-conflict, no-confrontation, mutual respect and win-win cooperation. Though this may not sound very ambitious, putting it into practice looks not easy. But hopefully, this process will help foster a new model towards an overarching global order.
所以中方提议中美共建不对抗、不冲突、相互尊重、合作共赢的新型大国关系。这些标准听上去并不算高，但实现起来却是难度不小，相信这个进程也会为构建全球新型秩序观念提供路径。
China’s commitment to peaceful development remains on course. We don’t want to be distracted, and still less do we wish to see the external environment that enables China’s peaceful rise reversed. But, if threatened or confronting tougher situations, China now has more leverages and means at disposal.
中国走和平发展道路是坚定不移的。面对世界经济和全球安全的种种不确定性，我们不希望自己的注意力被过度分散，更不希望中国和平崛起的外部环境发生逆转。当然，如果出现我们不能容忍的挑衅和威胁，中国现在有更多的手段和渠道去应对。
The Chinese are a calm and patient people. The priority is to do our own things well, meaning to promote economic growth and prosperity for the people. As our capability improves, we will be able to do more for the region and the world. In the meantime, China needs to learn and also to better communicate with the world.
中国人讲“定力”，就是要有耐心，看准时机和条件再做判断。最重要的是办好自己的事，也就是促进经济增长和繁荣，增进人民福祉。随着自身能力的不断增强，中国将能为地区和世界的和平与发展作出更大贡献。同时，中国也要继续学习，并且更好地与世界沟通。
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