ON THE DUTY OF CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE4

　　Under a government which imprisons any unjustly， the true place for a just man is also a prison.  The proper place to-day， the only place which Massachusetts has provided for her freer and less desponding spirits， is in her prisons， to be put out and locked out of the State by her own act， as they have already put themselves out by their principles.  It is there that the fugitive slave， and the Mexican prisoner on parole， and the Indian come to plead the wrongs of his race， should find them； on that separate， but more free and honorable ground， where the State places those who are not with her， but against her ―― the only house in a slave State in which a free man can abide with honor.  If any think that their influence would be lost there， and their voices no longer afflict the ear of the State， that they would not be as an enemy within its walls， they do not know by how much truth is stronger than error， nor how much more eloquently and effectively he can combat injustice who has experienced a little in his own person.  Cast your whole vote， not a strip of paper merely， but your whole influence.  A minority is powerless while it conforms to the majority； it is not even a minority then； but it is irresistible when it clogs by its whole weight.  If the alternative is to keep all just men in prison， or give up war and slavery， the State will not hesitate which to choose.  If a thousand men were not to pay their tax-bills this year， that would not be a violent and bloody measure， as it would be to pay them， and enable the State to commit violence and shed innocent blood.  This is， in fact， the definition of a peaceable revolution， if any such is possible.  If the tax-gatherer， or any other public officer， asks me， as one has done， "But what shall I do？" my answer is， "If you really wish to do anything， resign your office."  When the subject has refused allegiance， and the officer has resigned his office， then the revolution is accomplished.  But even suppose blood should flow.  Is there not a sort of blood shed when the conscience is wounded？  Through this wound a man's real manhood and immortality flow out， and he bleeds to an everlasting death.  I see this blood flowing now.

　　I have contemplated the imprisonment of the offender， rather than the seizure of his goods ―― though both will serve the same purpose ―― because they who assert the purest right， and consequently are most dangerous to a corrupt State， commonly have not spent much time in accumulating property.  To such the State renders comparatively small service， and a slight tax is wont to appear exorbitant， particularly if they are obliged to earn it by special labor with their hands.  If there were one who lived wholly without the use of money， the State itself would hesitate to demand it of him.  But the rich man ―― not to make any invidious comparison―― is always sold to the institution which makes him rich. Absolutely speaking， the more money， the less virtue； for money comes between a man and his objects， and obtains them for him； and it was certainly no great virtue to obtain it.  It puts to rest many questions which he would otherwise be taxed to answer； while the only new question which it puts is the hard but superfluous one， how to spend it.  Thus his moral ground is taken from under his feet. The opportunities of living are diminished in proportion as what are called the "means" are increased.  The best thing a man can do for his culture when he is rich is to endeavor to carry out those schemes which he entertained when he was poor.  Christ answered the Herodians according to their condition.  "Show me the tribute-money，" said he； ―― and one took a penny out of his pocket；―― if you use money which has the image of Caesar on it， and which he has made current and valuable， that is， if you are men of the State， and gladly enjoy the advantages of Caesar's government， then pay him back some of his own when he demands it； "Render therefore to Caesar that which is Caesar's， and to God those things which are God's" ―― leaving them no wiser than before as to which was which；for they did not wish to know.

　　When I converse with the freest of my neighbors， I perceive that， whatever they may say about the magnitude and seriousness of the question， and their regard for the public tranquillity， the long and the short of the matter is， that they cannot spare the protection of the existing government， and they dread the consequences to their property and families of disobedience to it. For my own part， I should not like to think that I ever rely on the protection of the State.  But， if I deny the authority of the State when it presents its tax-bill， it will soon take and waste all my property， and so harass me and my children without end.  This is hard.  This makes it impossible for a man to live honestly， and at the same time comfortably in outward respects.  It will not be worth the while to accumulate property； that would be sure to go again. You must hire or squat somewhere， and raise but a small crop， and eat that soon.  You must live within yourself， and depend upon yourself always tucked up and ready for a start， and not have many affairs.  A man may grow rich in Turkey even， if he will be in all respects a good subject of the Turkish government.  Confucius said，"If a state is governed by the principles of reason， poverty and misery are subjects of shame； if a state is not governed by the principles of reason， riches and honors are the subjects of shame." No： until I want the protection of Massachusetts to be extended to me in some distant Southern port， where my liberty is endangered， or until I am bent solely on building up an estate at home by peaceful enterprise， I can afford to refuse allegiance to Massachusetts， and her right to my property and life.  It costs me less in every sense to incur the penalty of disobedience to the State than it would to obey.  I should feel as if I were worth less in that case.

　　Some years ago， the State met me in behalf of the Church， and commanded me to pay a certain sum toward the support of a clergyman whose preaching my father attended， but never I myself.  "Pay，" it said， "or be locked up in the jail."  I declined to pay.  But，unfortunately， another man saw fit to pay it.  I did not see why the schoolmaster should be taxed to support the priest， and not the priest the schoolmaster： for I was not the State's schoolmaster， but I supported myself by voluntary subscription.  I did not see why the lyceum should not present its tax-bill， and have the State to back its demand， as well as the Church.  However， at the request of the selectmen， I condescended to make some such statement as this in writing：―― "Know all men by these presents， that I， Henry Thoreau，do not wish to be regarded as a member of any incorporated society which I have not joined."  This I gave to the town clerk； and he has it.  The State， having thus learned that I did not wish to be regarded as a member of that church， has never made a like demand on me since； though it said that it must adhere to its original presumption that time.  If I had known how to name them， I should then have signed off in detail from all the societies which I never signed on to； but I did not know where to find a complete list.

　　I have paid no poll-tax for six years.  I was put into a jail once on this account， for one night； and， as I stood considering the walls of solid stone， two or three feet thick， the door of wood and iron， a foot thick， and the iron grating which strained the light， I could not help being struck with the foolishness of that institution which treated me as if I were mere flesh and blood and bones， to be locked up.  I wondered that it should have concluded at length that this was the best use it could put me to， and had never thought to avail itself of my services in some way.  I saw that， if there was a wall of stone between me and my townsmen， there was a still more difficult one to climb or break through， before they could get to be as free as I was.  I did not for a moment feel confined， and the walls seemed a great waste of stone and mortar.  I felt as if I alone of all my townsmen had paid my tax.  They plainly did not know how to treat me， but behaved like persons who are underbred.  In every threat and in every compliment there was a blunder； for they thought that my chief desire was to stand the other side of that stone wall.  I could not but smile to see how industriously they locked the door on my meditations， which followed them out again without let or hindrance， and they were really all that was dangerous.  As they could not reach me， they had resolved to punish my body； just as boys， if they cannot come at some person against whom they have a spite， will abuse his dog.  I saw that the State was half-witted， that it was timid as a lone woman with her silver spoons， and that it did not know its friends from its foes， and I lost all my remaining respect for it， and pitied it.

　　Thus the State never intentionally confronts a man's sense，intellectual or moral， but only his body， his senses.  It is not armed with superior wit or honesty， but with superior physical strength.  I was not born to be forced.  I will breathe after my own fashion.  Let us see who is the strongest.  What force has a multitude？  They only can force me who obey a higher law than I. They force me to become like themselves.  I do not hear of men being forced to have this way or that by masses of men.  What sort of life were that to live？  When I meet a government which says to me， "Your money or your life，" why should I be in haste to give it my money？

　　It may be in a great strait， and not know what to do： I cannot help that.  It must help itself； do as I do.  It is not worth the while to snivel about it.  I am not responsible for the successful working of the machinery of society.  I am not the son of the engineer.  I perceive that， when an acorn and a chestnut fall side by side， the one does not remain inert to make way for the other， but both obey their own laws， and spring and grow and flourish as best they can，till one， perchance， overshadows and destroys the other.  If a plant cannot live according to its nature， it dies； and so a man.

　　The night in prison was novel and interesting enough.  The prisoners in their shirt-sleeves were enjoying a chat and the evening air in the doorway， when I entered.  But the jailer said，"Come， boys， it is time to lock up"； and so they dispersed， and I heard the sound of their steps returning into the hollow apartments. My room-mate was introduced to me by the jailer as "a first-rate fellow and a clever man."  When the door was locked， he showed me where to hang my hat， and how he managed matters there.  The rooms were whitewashed once a month； and this one， at least， was the whitest， most simply furnished， and probably the neatest apartment in the town.  He naturally wanted to know where I came from， and what brought me there； and， when I had told him， I asked him in my turn how he came there， presuming him to be an honest man， of course； and， as the world goes， I believe he was.  "Why，" said he，"they accuse me of burning a barn； but I never did it."  As near as I could discover， he had probably gone to bed in a barn when drunk，and smoked his pipe there； and so a barn was burnt.  He had the reputation of being a clever man， had been there some three months waiting for his trial to come on， and would have to wait as much longer； but he was quite domesticated and contented， since he got his board for nothing， and thought that he was well treated.

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